presented in the housing practices of Jackson,

presented as a prima facie case of collusionwith other pro-white organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan, inter alia. Althoughin many cases such connivances occurred, the influence of these organizationswas principally in the realm of urban politics, as Luce argues that theCouncil’s members are, in Jackson, “pillars of the community.

They are the kindthat run the Chamber of Commerce and the Community Chest, serve as officers ofchurches and do the civic chores in every town worthy of name.”1Further, the Councils provided a forum wherefrom many prominent Mississippipoliticians arose to political power, including the virulent segregationistsFielding Wright and Ross Barnett, who served as Governors from 1946-1952 and1960-1964, respectively.2Herein, the immense political power and influence of the Councils interests in politicalaffairs and public policy at the local level can be recognized.             However,the question of the Councils influence in the housing practices of Jackson, inparticular, has remained largely ambiguous and are an area wherein furtheracademic research is required. The issue has been broached in the mostcomprehensive disquisition on the subject by McMillen, wherein he asserts that”Council spokesmen aligned themselves against a veritable cornucopia of liberalobjectives, including minimum wage legislation, open housing laws, socialsecurity, Medicare.”3Indeed, the political efforts of the Council and their subsequent “campaign torepeal by constitutional amendment the state’s Unruh and Rumford acts, whichbanned racial discrimination in the sale or rental of most privately owned realproperty” is indicative of the advocacy undertaken in order to ensure thecontinuance of redlining practices in Jackson and other regions.

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4McMillen goes on to suggest that “there can be little question thatsegregation, when draped in the raiment of private ownership rights, possessedbroad appeal outside of the South.”5 Hereunder,this sort of animosity across a plethora of urban contexts is evident in othercities such as Detroit, Los Angeles, and Boston, among others. The monumentalinfluence of Citizens’ Councils in shaping the housing practices of Jackson isevident, however, this notwithstanding, is still an area fraught with dubiety.Moreover, the city of Jackson itselfadopted the practice of federal redlining shortly after its introduction,identifying predominantly African-American neighborhoods such as the GeorgetownDistrict as prime targets for slum-clearance and renewal.6The city thereafter aligned itself with the principle that “All of theslum-clearance projects are to be planned and executed locally. To qualify forFederal assistance, they must conform with comprehensive city plans for theredevelopment of the locality as a whole,” an idea represented through communicationsat the federal level. 7 Further, Jackson endeavoredto ensure the increasing segregation of its various neighborhoods through the implementationof the de jure Jim Crow laws, whichare a feature largely unique to the segregationist environment of the DeepSouth. Indeed, the language afforded under a Mississippi statute—that remains onthe books to the present day—provides that “Every person, firm or corporationengaged in any public business, trade or profession of any kind whatsoever inthe State of Mississippi…is hereby authorized and empowered to choose or selectthe person or persons he or it desires to do business with.

“8Herein, the ability of individual firms or corporations to select those withwhich they do business greatly limited the efficacy of African-Americans whosought homes and, furthermore, served as a continued cumber to their relieffrom redlining practices both at the state and federal level.  Redlining, as a federal practice, hasunquestionably served as an impetus for the continued struggles ofAfrican-Americans who seek to acquire property, especially under the urbancontext. Indeed, the difficulties in confronting a practice enshrined in law,policy, and communicatory memorandums remains a perpetual struggle and one thatis unlikely to be resolved without litigation within the legal system. Therein,the litigatory concerns surrounding redlining remain to be presented, largelybecause the practice itself serves to severely hamper the efficaciousness of alegal remedy for African-Americans.

Herein, it is Jackson, Mississippi whichserves as a case study for the impacts of federal redlining in a southern city.The need for further scholarly consideration on the subject remains persistent,as the finer nuances of the southern segregationist mentality—especially withrespect to the position of the Citizens’ Councils—remain a source of distincthistorical ambivalence. Federal redlining in Jackson is evident in thecontinued segregation that remains intact from the city’s past and, indeed, thediscriminatory actions of mortgage lenders continue to propagate within the region.Apropos legal precedent, which stands as the foundation for the commensurateissue of redlining, federal and state laws, as much as local ordinance,continue to engender the deleterious impacts of segregation on Jackson, leavingthe deferment of a resolution and its concomitant precise timing hereinafter amatter of scholarly ambivalence.91 Phillip Abbott Luce, “The Mississippi White CitizensCouncil: 1954-1959,” M.A. thesis (The Ohio State University, 1960).2 James W.

Silver, Mississippi:The Closed Society (Jackson: The University of Mississippi Press, 1964):37.3 Neil R. McMillen, TheCitizens’ Council: Organized Resistance to the Second Reconstruction, 1954-64 (Champaign:The University of Illinois Press, 1971): 204.4 Ibid., 146. 5 McMillen, TheCitizens’ Council, 146.

6 YukaHayashi, “Mississippi Bank Accused of Mortgage Redlining,” The Wall Street Journal, June 29, 2016.7 Bureauof Labor Statistics of the United States Department of Labor, “Provisions of the Housing Act of 1949,” MonthlyLabor Review 69, no. 2(1949): 59-155.

8 Miss. Code Ann. §97-23-17 (1956).  9 The author owes a considerable debt to the review ofhis outline by Professor Emily Cummins, a Postdoctoral Fellow of TrinityCollege prior to the compilation of this disquisition. The author is especiallyindebted to the work of David Freund (cited hereunder), whose extensivetreatise on the history of the federal home ownership and home mortgageprograms of the Great Depression served as an inspiration for the present work. 

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