In Muslim minority (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller

In 2014
the United Nations launched a campaign to globally end statelessness in ten
years’ time. The South East Asian nation Myanmar, known as Burma until 1989, is
divided into two major people; The Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya.
The Rohingya were renounced of their citizenship in 1982, leaving them as one
of the seven groups of people in the world described as stateless. The ongoing
Rohingya crisis is one internationally described as an emergency in health and
human rights issues (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The situation in
Myanmar is difficult regarding political and security matters and ongoing
discrimination by military and other officials has led to decades of
oppressional violence against the Muslim minority (Mahmood,
Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The government of Myanmar has claimed to
be impartial in acting against the violence, yet the international community
has taken a specific interest in the conflict, criticizing the government on
discrimination against the Rohingya people (Kipgen, 2013). The current situation
has been described as a case of ´ethnic cleansing´ by the United Nations high
commissioner of human rights and by the UN secretary general (Beyrer &
Kamarulzaman, 2017). The definitions of ethnic cleansing and genocide are
arguably of the same phenomenon, namely systematic diminishing of an ethnic
group, yet ethnic cleansing is sometimes described as more often used as a
popular term, whereas genocide refers to specific legal acts, violating
international law (Schabas, 2003). The United Nations Human Rights Council has
launched a mission to investigate the human rights violations in Myanmar and
the possible genocide charges facing the country´s government and military
leaders (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017). The United Nations believes that the
government of Myanmar fails to allow a minority group to maintain their
identity according to their ethnicity, religion or language (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017).

The
Rohingya were left without recognition as a citizen group since they had
allegedly not been able to meet requirements to prove their ancestry in Burma.
This has led to over 647,000 refugees from the state of Rakhine, Myanmar to
cross over to the neighboring country Bangladesh (United Refugees, 2018).
Additionally, more than 159 000 of Rohingya individuals have fled to
neighboring nations with poorly constructed rafts, leading to hundreds of
deaths. The situation has left residing Rohingya described as ´resident
foreigners´. Only around 80 000 individuals have legal protection through
the United Nations refugee status (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).
Officials do not recognize the term ´Rohingya´, since the individuals are
believed to be migrants from Bengal, not descents of residents of Rakhine,
which the name refers to (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).
Individuals are abused by police and military, and since the Rohingya have no
citizenship status, they are vulnerable for instance to sexual violence and
torture (Ansah Ullah, 2016). The conflict between the two groups began to
escalate in 2012, when violence broke out due to three Rohingya men raping a
Rakhine woman, leading to Rakhine individuals responding with violence by
attacking a bus full of Muslims, beating ten of them to death. This launched
several waves of more violent acts with military involvement. Soon the military
also joined in on the violence and killing of Rohingya. The international
community started noticing a collaboration when the brutalities began to move
towards the organized destruction of Muslim living areas and systematic discrimination
against the Rohingya. Many fled to areas for internally displaced people, which
have evolved into detention camps, where Rohingya individuals are held by
military. (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).

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Through
the years of violence towards the Rohingya by officials in the country,
specific crimes of genocide have occurred, namely intentional killing,
injuring, limiting living conditions and ultimately aiming towards the
destruction of a specific group of people (Arashpuor & Roustaei, 2016). In accordance
with international law, the government of Myanmar is responsible for the
prevention of and action against genocide in the nation. Regardless, the
government has yet to launch action and refused to protect the Rohingya people.
Institutions and officials could thus be held accountable for crimes against
humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide (Arashpuor & Roustaei, 2016).

Individuals
have societal needs to be recognized as a member of an ethnonational identity
group (Kelman 1997). Myanmar´s citizenship law discriminating against the
Rohingya Muslims acts against international human rights standards and despite
calls for change by the international community, the violence has continued
(Ahsan Ullah, 2016). Although the United Nations has launched action against
the crimes against humanity being committed in Myanmar, the main actors in
protecting human rights and safety are nonetheless individual states. Not
individuals or organizations have the power to change foreign policy, but
states that create that power (Faizullaev, 2014). Myanmar has complied to
criticism by international actors by dismissal for decades, accepting billions
of dollars in foreign support and not being affected by sanctions (Mahmood,
Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Near states such as Indonesia and Malaysia
need to accept Rohingya refugees arriving by boat in order to provide them with
safety, but the most action needs to be taken within Myanmar (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The parliament elected in 2016, has not granted
Rohingya with citizenship, nor does the functional head of the government Aung
San Suu Kyi seem comfortable with the term Rohingya or including Muslims as
candidates in elections (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Aung San
Suu Kyi has been criticized for her vagueness regarding the situation and been
accused of avoiding the topic of crimes against humanity in Myanmar. She has
denied accusations of the army carrying out ethnic cleansing and described the
situation as simply a divide between people, without the military being at
fault (TCA Regional News, 2017). The old government failed to provide
protection to the people of Myanmar, in addition to national security being in
the hands of a few elite members of society (Howe & Jang, 2013).

The
future of security in Myanmar lies within the new elected government. In order
to be able to affect the government and the policies in Myanmar, negotiations
need to be held between representatives of neighboring nations affected by the
crisis, international communities, who can aid the situation and representatives
of Myanmar. The relationship with neighboring nations Bangladesh and Myanmar
are continuously tense due to the overwhelming influx of Rohingya refugees to
Bangladesh and trade issues connected to the crisis. This tension is
unfavorable for both countries; thus, negotiations could lead to something
profitable for both parties (Parnini, 2013). Bangladesh could play an integral
part in applying local pressure to end the crisis and relieve the situation, by
opening a conversation, forcing Myanmar to stop neglecting the ongoing human
rights violations. Negotiations between Myanmar and Bangladesh could pave the
way for a more open conversation about the current situation in international
terms. Negotiations could aid a future situation where the government of
Myanmar would step up to its democratic duties to protect ethnic minority
groups, such as the Rohingya. The crisis should be addressed by international,
regional and local communities, in pressuring the government of Myanmar to
restore Rohingya citizenship and end the violence by officials and the military
(Parnini, 2013). Individual powerful nations, like the United States of
America, China and Russia, should in addition to the United Nations and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations open negotiations with Myanmar. These
powers could through diplomatic engagement persuade the government to act
against the violence and to ensure human rights to the Rohingya (Parnini,
2013).

Aided and
pressured by the international community, the change to end violations of
Rohingya rights need to come from within the government. Aung San Suu Kyi needs
to revoke laws regarding ethnicity and religion, open the state of Rakhine to
international aid workers and journalists, free Rohingya people form the camps
of internally displaced people and allow them to return home (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Through international encouragement the government
and Aung San Suu Kyi could have the power to end the vulnerability and
suffering of the 1.5 million Rohingya in the world (Parnini, 2013). In addition
to acting to resolve the violent situation, the crimes against humanity need to
be accounted for by international law, to ensure that ethnic cleansing does not
occur in the future (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017).

 

In 2014
the United Nations launched a campaign to globally end statelessness in ten
years’ time. The South East Asian nation Myanmar, known as Burma until 1989, is
divided into two major people; The Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya.
The Rohingya were renounced of their citizenship in 1982, leaving them as one
of the seven groups of people in the world described as stateless. The ongoing
Rohingya crisis is one internationally described as an emergency in health and
human rights issues (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The situation in
Myanmar is difficult regarding political and security matters and ongoing
discrimination by military and other officials has led to decades of
oppressional violence against the Muslim minority (Mahmood,
Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The government of Myanmar has claimed to
be impartial in acting against the violence, yet the international community
has taken a specific interest in the conflict, criticizing the government on
discrimination against the Rohingya people (Kipgen, 2013). The current situation
has been described as a case of ´ethnic cleansing´ by the United Nations high
commissioner of human rights and by the UN secretary general (Beyrer &
Kamarulzaman, 2017). The definitions of ethnic cleansing and genocide are
arguably of the same phenomenon, namely systematic diminishing of an ethnic
group, yet ethnic cleansing is sometimes described as more often used as a
popular term, whereas genocide refers to specific legal acts, violating
international law (Schabas, 2003). The United Nations Human Rights Council has
launched a mission to investigate the human rights violations in Myanmar and
the possible genocide charges facing the country´s government and military
leaders (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017). The United Nations believes that the
government of Myanmar fails to allow a minority group to maintain their
identity according to their ethnicity, religion or language (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017).

The
Rohingya were left without recognition as a citizen group since they had
allegedly not been able to meet requirements to prove their ancestry in Burma.
This has led to over 647,000 refugees from the state of Rakhine, Myanmar to
cross over to the neighboring country Bangladesh (United Refugees, 2018).
Additionally, more than 159 000 of Rohingya individuals have fled to
neighboring nations with poorly constructed rafts, leading to hundreds of
deaths. The situation has left residing Rohingya described as ´resident
foreigners´. Only around 80 000 individuals have legal protection through
the United Nations refugee status (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).
Officials do not recognize the term ´Rohingya´, since the individuals are
believed to be migrants from Bengal, not descents of residents of Rakhine,
which the name refers to (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).
Individuals are abused by police and military, and since the Rohingya have no
citizenship status, they are vulnerable for instance to sexual violence and
torture (Ansah Ullah, 2016). The conflict between the two groups began to
escalate in 2012, when violence broke out due to three Rohingya men raping a
Rakhine woman, leading to Rakhine individuals responding with violence by
attacking a bus full of Muslims, beating ten of them to death. This launched
several waves of more violent acts with military involvement. Soon the military
also joined in on the violence and killing of Rohingya. The international
community started noticing a collaboration when the brutalities began to move
towards the organized destruction of Muslim living areas and systematic discrimination
against the Rohingya. Many fled to areas for internally displaced people, which
have evolved into detention camps, where Rohingya individuals are held by
military. (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017).

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For You For Only $13.90/page!


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Through
the years of violence towards the Rohingya by officials in the country,
specific crimes of genocide have occurred, namely intentional killing,
injuring, limiting living conditions and ultimately aiming towards the
destruction of a specific group of people (Arashpuor & Roustaei, 2016). In accordance
with international law, the government of Myanmar is responsible for the
prevention of and action against genocide in the nation. Regardless, the
government has yet to launch action and refused to protect the Rohingya people.
Institutions and officials could thus be held accountable for crimes against
humanity, ethnic cleansing and genocide (Arashpuor & Roustaei, 2016).

Individuals
have societal needs to be recognized as a member of an ethnonational identity
group (Kelman 1997). Myanmar´s citizenship law discriminating against the
Rohingya Muslims acts against international human rights standards and despite
calls for change by the international community, the violence has continued
(Ahsan Ullah, 2016). Although the United Nations has launched action against
the crimes against humanity being committed in Myanmar, the main actors in
protecting human rights and safety are nonetheless individual states. Not
individuals or organizations have the power to change foreign policy, but
states that create that power (Faizullaev, 2014). Myanmar has complied to
criticism by international actors by dismissal for decades, accepting billions
of dollars in foreign support and not being affected by sanctions (Mahmood,
Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Near states such as Indonesia and Malaysia
need to accept Rohingya refugees arriving by boat in order to provide them with
safety, but the most action needs to be taken within Myanmar (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017). The parliament elected in 2016, has not granted
Rohingya with citizenship, nor does the functional head of the government Aung
San Suu Kyi seem comfortable with the term Rohingya or including Muslims as
candidates in elections (Mahmood, Wroe, Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Aung San
Suu Kyi has been criticized for her vagueness regarding the situation and been
accused of avoiding the topic of crimes against humanity in Myanmar. She has
denied accusations of the army carrying out ethnic cleansing and described the
situation as simply a divide between people, without the military being at
fault (TCA Regional News, 2017). The old government failed to provide
protection to the people of Myanmar, in addition to national security being in
the hands of a few elite members of society (Howe & Jang, 2013).

The
future of security in Myanmar lies within the new elected government. In order
to be able to affect the government and the policies in Myanmar, negotiations
need to be held between representatives of neighboring nations affected by the
crisis, international communities, who can aid the situation and representatives
of Myanmar. The relationship with neighboring nations Bangladesh and Myanmar
are continuously tense due to the overwhelming influx of Rohingya refugees to
Bangladesh and trade issues connected to the crisis. This tension is
unfavorable for both countries; thus, negotiations could lead to something
profitable for both parties (Parnini, 2013). Bangladesh could play an integral
part in applying local pressure to end the crisis and relieve the situation, by
opening a conversation, forcing Myanmar to stop neglecting the ongoing human
rights violations. Negotiations between Myanmar and Bangladesh could pave the
way for a more open conversation about the current situation in international
terms. Negotiations could aid a future situation where the government of
Myanmar would step up to its democratic duties to protect ethnic minority
groups, such as the Rohingya. The crisis should be addressed by international,
regional and local communities, in pressuring the government of Myanmar to
restore Rohingya citizenship and end the violence by officials and the military
(Parnini, 2013). Individual powerful nations, like the United States of
America, China and Russia, should in addition to the United Nations and the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations open negotiations with Myanmar. These
powers could through diplomatic engagement persuade the government to act
against the violence and to ensure human rights to the Rohingya (Parnini,
2013).

Aided and
pressured by the international community, the change to end violations of
Rohingya rights need to come from within the government. Aung San Suu Kyi needs
to revoke laws regarding ethnicity and religion, open the state of Rakhine to
international aid workers and journalists, free Rohingya people form the camps
of internally displaced people and allow them to return home (Mahmood, Wroe,
Fuller & Leaning, 2017). Through international encouragement the government
and Aung San Suu Kyi could have the power to end the vulnerability and
suffering of the 1.5 million Rohingya in the world (Parnini, 2013). In addition
to acting to resolve the violent situation, the crimes against humanity need to
be accounted for by international law, to ensure that ethnic cleansing does not
occur in the future (Beyrer & Kamarulzaman, 2017).

 

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