A few important studies have tried to go beyond the mere
identity aspect of reli gion, by including measurements of whether religion
played an active role in the conflict dynamics. Most notably, Toft (2007)
identifies religious aspects of civil wars and distinguishes whether religion
was peripheral and central in the conflicts. Religion was considered central in
a civil war if the combatants were “fighting over whether the state or a
region of the state would be ruled to a specific religious tradition,”
whereas the role of religion was considered to be peripheral when the
combatants identified with a specific religious tradition, “but the rule
of a specific religious tradition could not be the object of contention” (Toft
2006b, 21). As another example of an effort to include more than latent
dimensions in the mea surement of religion, Pearce (2005) examines the
relevance of religion amongst the primary parties in conflicts. Fox (2004b)
explores how salience of religious issues, religious discrimination, and other
factors affect the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. Studying ethnic civil wars,
Bercovitch and DeRouen (2005, 108) examine whether ethnic civil wars fought
over religion are more opportune for mediation compared to wars of secession
and autonomy. Why should religious dynamics influence the development and
termination of armed conflicts? Conflicts with religious dynamics will be more
difficult to settle, this study suggests, since they create a perception that
the issues at stake cannot be divided. The idea that conflicts characterized by
indivisibility?”where the adver saries perceive the disputed resource as a
unit they cannot divide between them” (Gilady and Russett 2002, 401)?are
difficult to solve peacefully is not new. How ever, there is little consensus
on what types of issues parties in conflict will find it difficult to
compromise over. Previous research has conceptualized indivisibility in terms
of, for instance, ethnic identity (Kaufmann 1996), territory (Toft 2004), legit
imization of ba

A few important studies have tried to go beyond the mere
identity aspect of reli gion, by including measurements of whether religion
played an active role in the conflict dynamics. Most notably, Toft (2007)
identifies religious aspects of civil wars and distinguishes whether religion
was peripheral and central in the conflicts. Religion was considered central in
a civil war if the combatants were “fighting over whether the state or a
region of the state would be ruled to a specific religious tradition,”
whereas the role of religion was considered to be peripheral when the
combatants identified with a specific religious tradition, “but the rule
of a specific religious tradition could not be the object of contention” (Toft
2006b, 21). As another example of an effort to include more than latent
dimensions in the mea surement of religion, Pearce (2005) examines the
relevance of religion amongst the primary parties in conflicts. Fox (2004b)
explores how salience of religious issues, religious discrimination, and other
factors affect the dynamics of ethnic conflicts. Studying ethnic civil wars,
Bercovitch and DeRouen (2005, 108) examine whether ethnic civil wars fought
over religion are more opportune for mediation compared to wars of secession
and autonomy. Why should religious dynamics influence the development and
termination of armed conflicts? Conflicts with religious dynamics will be more
difficult to settle, this study suggests, since they create a perception that
the issues at stake cannot be divided. The idea that conflicts characterized by
indivisibility?”where the adver saries perceive the disputed resource as a
unit they cannot divide between them” (Gilady and Russett 2002, 401)?are
difficult to solve peacefully is not new. How ever, there is little consensus
on what types of issues parties in conflict will find it difficult to
compromise over. Previous research has conceptualized indivisibility in terms
of, for instance, ethnic identity (Kaufmann 1996), territory (Toft 2004), legit
imization of ba

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